Everyday Life in Byzantium Page 2
To ensure that the capital of his choice should become the Empire’s leading city not only in name but in fact, Constantine altered the whole structure of the Roman Empire and devised a new system of administration, replacing the customary type of official by men of a new stamp. He re-named the city Constantinople, Constantine’s city, yet the town was often referred to as Nova Roma, or the New Rome, whilst Byzas’ name came to be applied to the eastern part of the Roman Empire instead of to the city itself. There was good reason for referring to Constantinople as the New Rome, for virtually the entire ruling class, consisting as it did of court and government circles, was made up of Romans and, even though the local inhabitants were Greeks, Latin remained the official language until the fifth century, when the western and eastern parts of the Roman Empire separated. Within a century or so the Greek language replaced the Latin as the official tongue, whilst the eastern section of the Empire came to be known officially as Byzantium. Yet still today, in parts of Turkey, Iran and Arabia, the old link with Rome endures and the word Rum, meaning Rome, is quite often applied to the region of Constantinople or to people coming from Europe.
In contrast to Rome’s caesars, who were at pains to give the people the impression that they wished to be regarded as commoners who had been raised to supreme office by the will of the people, Constantine, from the moment he became sole ruler, assumed the position, powers and dignities of an emperor. Furthermore, both as ruler of the Roman Empire and as God’s vicar on earth, he insisted on taking precedence over all other kings. This conception of the emperor of Constantinople as supreme ruler on earth was upheld by Constantine’s successors and remained unchallenged in 395 when, at the death of Emperor Theodosius I, it was decided to divide the Roman Empire into an eastern and a western section. The eastern was to be ruled from Constantinople, where Arcadius became emperor, whilst the western, which was governed from Rome, was regarded as subordinate. However, within five years the Goths, who were then overrunning Europe, had advanced to the very outskirts of Rome. In 402 the government was obliged hurriedly to move first to Milan and then to Ravenna for safety, though it was not till six years later that the Goths, under Alaric, actually succeeded in capturing and looting Rome. From the start the situation in Ravenna was fraught with difficulties; differences multiplied and ruler succeeded ruler at very short intervals until finally, in 476, the Germanic chieftain Odoacer deposed Romulus Augustus, the last member of the Imperial house to reign in the West. With his fall the mantle of Rome automatically passed to the ruler of the East, that is to say to the emperor of Byzantium reigning in Constantinople. At the time the throne was occupied by Zeno, and because of the glamour with which Constantine had been able to invest the office of emperor of the East, Zeno’s prestige stood so high in the West that Odoacer, though victorious in Italy, felt it necessary that Zeno should recognise him officially as Patricius of Rome and prefect of Italy. The ties between Rome and the East remained so strong that, in the fifth century, the Gothic ruler of Ravenna, Theodoric, wholeheartedly adopted Byzantine culture. But even so, soon after his death, Emperor Justinian the Great (527-65) considered it his duty to re-conquer Italy. His commanders-in-chief, first Belisarius and then Narses, managed to do so by 555, but the result was ephemeral and in the course of the next two centuries East and West fell apart and, whilst the pope lost his influence in Byzantium, the emperor of the East lost his in western Europe. In 590 Gregory, bishop of Rome, became pope. He was to go down in history as ‘the Great’ largely because he was the first pope since Leo the Great who asserted his right to act independently of Constantinople. From his day onwards the pope’s influence steadily increased in the West at the cost of the patriarch of Constantinople. Then, in the year 800, Charlemagne challenged the supremacy of the emperor of Byzantium by reviving the office of emperor of the West and persuading Pope Leo III to crown him as such on Christmas Day. It is interesting to note that the influence of Byzantium led the pope to take his title from the Greek word Pappas, meaning father, the name by which the Greek Church called its first bishops, but later applied to all its priests.
5 The Emperor Constantine and his mother Helena
Gold reliquary for a fragment of the True Cross, eleventh century
6 Christ crowning the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus From an ivory, c. AD 944
Although many buildings had been erected in Constantinople in Constantine’s lifetime the town remained comparatively small and unable to compete in either size or splendour with such ancient and magnificent cities as Alexandria or Antioch nor, indeed, could it compare with Rome or even Athens. Yet within 100 years of its foundation more people were living in Constantinople than in Rome. Nevertheless it was to take the best part of 200 years and the genius of the Emperor Justinian and his chief architect, Anthemius of Tralles, before the young capital could eclipse all other cities in its beauty, wealth, importance and range of amenities. Not only did it then become the leading political and economic centre of its day but, in addition, it stood out during the first few centuries of its existence as the great religious centre to which Christendom looked for direction, in much the same way as Catholics today look to Rome. Furthermore, Constantinople, like Paris since the later nineteenth century, became the capital in which art was to be seen at its best and most vital; it was there that the world’s latest fashions were launched and there that luxuries were to be found in greater abundance and variety than anywhere else in Europe. By the time of Justinian the population must have numbered close on half a million.
Constantinople’s original population had been Greek, descendants of the men of Megara who had founded the city. Most of the people whom Constantine brought to it were Romans, wearing the Roman toga and speaking Latin. Yet even when the Romans merged with the native Greeks, when their language was forgotten by all save the most ardent scholars and when their costume had evolved into something wholly national, the draperies of the Roman toga were nevertheless preserved for all time in art. Regardless of the date at which they were produced, both the exquisite illuminations in Byzantine copies of the Gospels and other holy books, and also religious paintings and mosaics, clothed the Evangelists and saints in the voluminous draperies derived from the dress of classical times. This usually consisted of a himation or cloak worn over a chiton or shirt. Few of these draperies remained white in colour; instead, as befitted those destined to spend eternity amidst the glories of Paradise, the garments were rendered in shades more splendid than the rainbow’s; frequently, in the manner of an Indian sari, they are shown shot with gold and, in the case of white draperies, the folds are generally indicated by shading of deep and varied tones.
The Roman Empire was a multi-racial state and all its freemen, irrespective of nationality or religion, enjoyed equal rights. So it was in Constantinople, where from the first Greek and Roman combined in evolving the Eastern Empire’s new, essentially Christian, culture and way of life. Roman regard for orderliness seems to have been mainly responsible for contributing the basic structure of the state. But Greek thought and tastes, often reflecting the influence of people from farther east such as the Syrians, became increasingly dominant as more and more easterners flocked to Constantinople, drawn there by the town’s growing prosperity. They (the Greeks and orientals) were particularly attracted to the mystical side of Christianity and often became deeply involved in religious experiences and discussions. It was largely due to their influence that the Byzantines developed a regard and love of symbolism which, throughout the whole of their long history, expressed itself not only in their religious writings but also in their art and literature. It was again primarily due to the Greeks that the interest the Romans had taken in Greek culture was fanned by the Byzantines into an enduring love of the Greek classics. The Byzantines became as familiar with the Greek myths as were the pagan Greeks of earlier times. In consequence they were able to use them as parables which they adapted to events of their own day in literature, comparing an idea or occurrence to some
well-known text or incident or depicting it in their art by means of some appropriate mythological scene. Yet all these Greek and oriental threads were fitted into so rigid a canvas that the latter must assuredly have been supplied by the painstaking, methodical, logical Romans. Every branch of the Byzantine administration, of its Church, of its social structure and its services was carefully regulated and fully defined. Byzantium became an authoritarian but not a dictatorial state since, within prescribed limits, its people were free. It is perhaps easier for us today than for any other generation to appreciate the subtle differences which distinguish a dictatorship from a highly disciplined society. For all our love of individuality and freedom, we voluntarily submit ourselves to a great many orders. For example, let us take the most trivial, but by no means the least necessary regulations, those governing parking of motor-cars and speeding; to enable our highly complex society to function we have to accept these and numerous other rules. In times of national emergencies, too, most of us readily abandon our customary way of life in order to carry out the instructions of our governments. It was in much the same spirit that the Byzantines, tired of the years of instability and insecurity which had accompanied the decay of Greece and Rome, accepted the measures on which their constitution was based, and the tasks and duties assigned to each social class of the population. Yet within the rigid framework all retained considerable freedom of thought and action; in the intellectual sphere Byzantine life made up for what it lacked in originality by its fervour and vigour, and when the people objected to an edict or to an emperor they never hesitated to express their disapproval. Often they resorted to methods no modern dictator would tolerate. Rioting and mutinies were common occurrences in Constantinople during every period of its history and many an emperor, for all his divine rights and limitless powers, was ruthlessly deposed, often tortured and, at times, even put to death by his angry subjects.
7 The Golden Gate and part of the land walls of Constantinople
8 Tenth-century cross
Throughout much of their history the Byzantines were involved in warfare. Though by nature far from belligerent, their traditions as rulers of an empire obliged them to defend the far-flung territories they had inherited from Rome and to cling to distant outposts in the face of rising nationalist movements. In 572 they lost Spain; this was the first of a series of major defeats. It was followed soon after by the loss of Italy. Jerusalem, the holy of holies, the cradle of Christianity, fell to Persian infidels in 613 and in 626 the Persians advanced on Constantinople, but the Virgin, so the Byzantines firmly believed, came to the aid of her fervent adorers, enabling them to beat back the invaders. Then came the rise of Islam, and by the year 640 all of Syria, Palestine and Egypt was in the hands of the Arabs and Constantinople itself was attacked. But a decisive victory over the Arabs in 678, largely due to the use of Greek Fire, saved not only Constantinople, but most of Asia Minor. This was a timely achievement for, from the latter part of the seventh century, the Byzantines had to devote increasing attention to curbing the ambitions of their Slavic neighbours; first they had to acknowledge the Bulgars as an independent kingdom, later the Russians and last of all the Serbians. From the eleventh century onwards the Byzantines found themselves menaced by the Seljukid Turks; then western Crusaders proceeded to undermine their strength, sapping so much of their vitality that at the end they were unable to stem the advance of the Ottoman Turks. In 1453, when Byzantium consisted of little more than the city of Constantinople, the Ottomans launched their last attack. Advancing under cover of cannon fire they breached the walls of the city; Byzantium’s last outpost succumbed when the greater part of its population lay with their emperor dead on the ramparts they had defended with the utmost valour. During three days, according to Ottoman traditions, the vanquished city was handed over to the conquering soldiery to loot and destroy. Many of the Greeks who had survived the siege were massacred at the time. Some of those who escaped later agreed to serve in the Turkish treasury or to accept posts as provincial governors in such conquered provinces as Armenia. Known by their fellow Greeks as Phanariotes, these men were hated by the other Constantinopolitan Christians. The Ottomans made the latter pay for their hatred by hounding and persecuting the most active among them.
The Byzantines were ruled in turn by several dynasties. The first traced its descent from Rome’s caesars and was so strongly Roman in origin and habits that many scholars regard this opening phase in Byzantium’s history as an early Christian rather than a purely Byzantine one. In their view Byzantium came into its own only with Justinian the Great. In art Justinian created a golden age. The standards and ideals which he established endured till the reign of Leo III (717-41). That emperor believed that the veneration which his subjects accorded to icons verged on idolatry. To save them from this, one of the greatest of all sins, Leo determined to ban all forms of figural representations in religious art. In 730 he issued an edict ordering the removal of the famous icon of Our Lady of the Copper Market, but even though he was upheld in this by the support of many men of influence the order was so violently and so passionately resisted that nothing could be done for four years. By then the iconoclasts (as those who were opposed to figural representations in religious art were called) had become so powerful that they were able to enforce the ban. In the face of intense opposition they remained in power from then onwards, with but a short gap of four years, until 843 when they were finally defeated.
A new dynasty, the Macedonian, came to the throne in 867; this dynasty was responsible for the flowering of a second golden age in art and produced rulers as diverse as Leo VI, known as the Wise, or the ruthless, pleasure-loving Zoe who murdered her husband Romanus III in order to marry Michael the Paphlagonian and crown him emperor, only to replace him in his turn in 1042 by her third and last husband, Constantine IX Monomachus. That dynasty ended with Zoe’s sister after a reign of only one year after the death of her brother-in-law Constantine IX.
A palace revolution carried out by courtiers brought Isaac, the first of the Comnenes, to the throne in 1057. His heirs were obliged to fight both the Seljuks in the East and the Normans in the West whilst also having to deal with the turbulent Crusaders. Intoxicated by the wealth and beauty of Constantinople the members of the Fourth Crusade, led by Venetian commanders, forgot that they had set out to fight the infidel rulers of Jerusalem in order to free the holy places and turned instead on Constantinople. They took possession of the city in 1204; after sacking it they installed themselves as its rulers. The Latin occupation lasted till 1261. Whilst it was in force members of Byzantium’s imperial families established refugee kingdoms in the Empire’s outposts. Theodore Lascaris set himself up in Nicaea and claimed to be ruler of Byzantium. A branch of the Comnenes created a kingdom for themselves at Trebizond, in the south-eastern corner of the Black Sea. Others established independent despotates in Greece, notably in the Morea, at Mistra and in Epirus, where the Angelus family seized control. It was a member of that house, Theodore Angelus Ducas Comnenus, who managed to capture Salonica from the Latins in 1224 and who then attempted to lay claim to the imperial title. However, it was Michael VIII Palaeologus, a member of the aristocratic Comnene family, who became the founder of the last Greek dynasty to reign in Constantinople. Crowned co-ruler with John IV Lascaris in Nicaea in 1259, on the ejection in 1261 of the Latin usurpers from Constantinople he re-entered the city as emperor of Byzantium. A descendant of his, Constantine XI, crowned emperor in his despotate of Mistra in Sparta in 1449, was to die gallantly defending the walls of his capital against vastly unequal odds in 1453, when the Ottoman Turks launched their final attack. Only his purple slippers remained to show his subjects where he had fallen whilst fighting beside them to defend their city.
2 - THE EMPEROR, HIS FAMILY AND COURT
When Constantine became sole ruler of the Roman Empire he was still a pagan. Though Rome was now a monarchy, daily life continued to conform to customs which had become established in the days of the Republ
ic. Constantine’s assumption of supreme power was therefore not confirmed by means of a coronation service of the type which was to become usual in feudal times in Europe. Instead it was ratified by a ceremony which dated back to the days when Rome’s caesar was elected to the highest office in the Empire by his fellow-citizens. In accordance with that ancient custom Constantine was placed on a shield and lifted up on it in full view of his army and the assembled people. Their cheers sufficed to establish him in his new position. That method of informing the nation of the elevation of a new sovereign to the Empire’s throne persisted in Byzantium during the best part of 100 years, the first rulers to succeed Constantine being presented to the assembled Senate, army and people of Constantinople in the same manner as Rome’s caesars. Like them, they received from the hands of an eminent official the coronet which served as the emperor’s emblem of office. However, by the year 457 when Leo I came to the throne, the patriarch of Constantinople had become so important in the state that his authority almost equalled that of the emperor and it therefore fell to him in preference to a layman, however distinguished, to place the crown on Leo’s head. Leo’s immediate successors decided to be similarly crowned by the patriarchs of their day, with the result that from Justinian’s time onwards the ceremony was always performed in the capital’s principal church, the great cathedral of Haghia Sophia. The original structure begun by Constantine I had been destroyed in the Nika riots in 532, but it was rebuilt on a grander scale by Justinian.